2025 - VOTE: Cameroon's Defining Moment

Dr. Christopher Fomunyoh's
Urgent Call for Meaningful Change

Cameroon stands at a crossroads, with the 2025 election looming as a moment of truth. A powerful call for political transition, voiced by Dr. Christopher Fomunyoh, has electrified the nation and its diaspora. This respected advocate for democracy asserts that the yearning for change is undeniable, the journey ahead is fraught with obstacles.

In an exclusive conversation with Daily Voice's Randy Joe Sa'ah, Dr. Fomunyoh dissects the current political landscape, offering sharp analyses and concrete proposals for Cameroon's future. The interview begins with his candid reaction to the Constitutional Council's contentious rejection of Prof. Maurice Kamto's candidacy, a decision already reshaping the electoral process.

Dr. Christopher Fomunyoh: In every democracy, justice must not only be done; it must be seen as having been done. I do not think any fair-minded Cameroonian believes justice and fairness prevailed in the Court ruling. Even those that worked to exclude Maurice Kamto from the race know deep down what foul play was undertaken to alter the electoral calendar and postpone local and legislative elections earlier this year to the MRC's detriment and what administrative norms were violated to interfere with internal decisions made by political parties. Such blatant injustice and personal recrimination does not bode well for the rule of law and constitutionalism in our country, nor for citizen confidence in our institutions and democratic prospects going forward.

You've forcefully argued that it "makes no sense" for President Biya, at 92 and after 43 years in power, to seek another term of office. Beyond the compelling issue of age, what are the top three specific governance failures you believe make his continued rule untenable for Cameroon's future?

If limited to top three failures, I would cite the wide scale insecurity that reigns across the country with eight years of ongoing conflict in the North West and South West regions and a violent extremist movement destroying lives and livelihoods in the Extreme North region. Cumulatively, these two basins of insecurity have generated hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons in other regions and refugees in other countries.

Secondly, the very poor performance of Biya's regime in all indicators of socio-economic development as per its score card on youth unemployment, poor healthcare system, lack of infrastructure, corruption and mismanagement, high level criminality with the assassination of journalists like Martinez Zogo and Samuel Wazizi; and, thirdly, the generalized sense of fragmentation and polarization that fuel hate speech, identity politics and excessive tribalism in today's Cameroon.

Many of these issues have gotten worse in the last decade which underscores why at 92 years old and after 43 years as Head of State; Paul Biya cannot be expected to perform better than he has done these past decades.

Your phrase "a 24/7 President" is very powerful. Can you elaborate on the tangible, day-to-day consequences for the average Cameroonian of what you perceive as absentee leadership, especially given the claim that a full cabinet meeting hasn't occurred in years?

When citizens elect an individual to lead them, they give that individual a mandate and develop a bond of trust and confidencehat said individual will truly be at the helm of the state and look out for the general good of all citizens, around the clock. Citizens need to see their president; they need to hear his voice and feel his presence to be assured that their mandate to him is not being executed by unknown or unelected surrogates, some of whom in our particular context are most uncouth and inept. Even private investors, development partners and other world leaders tend to see, seize up and judge a country through the prism of its president. In today's very competitive world, a president that is not accessible at a minute's notice does a total disservice to his country and fellow citizens.

In our case, the situation is aggravated by the very centralized nature of the state and the overwhelming demands that require genuine and effective leadership to reconcile its citizens, reform institutions and rebuild the nation for its youth and future generations

You described the ruling CPDM as "weakened." Do you see this weakness as being solely about the President's age, or do you perceive deeper, perhaps irreversible, fractures within the party that a strategic opposition could realistically exploit?

I would venture to say the fissures are deeper than they may appear on the surface, although hanging by the thread of a Paul Biya as the party's chairman and 'natural candidate.' There're obviously many young and talented members of the CPDM who also aspire to lead if given the opportunity. They must be gnashing their teeth at the prospect of retiring from politics while their political godfathers are still in charge. The fact that matters pertaining to the CPDM are being discussed at the presidency of the Republic that belongs to all Cameroonians rather than at the CPDM party headquarters is alarming and very disturbing, but also could be very telling.

Minister René Emmanuel Sadi praises President Biya's "wisdom and experience." How do you respond to the argument that in a volatile region, the President's long tenure provides a unique stability that a new, untested leader could jeopardize?

Since May 20 national day celebrations, we have not heard the president's voice. We have not seen him except once during a TV appearance with the Papal Nuncio in Yaounde, so how would that 'wisdom and experience' benefit Cameroon and Africa if the man is no longer physically and intellectually capable of engaging citizens in their daily lives?

Many of his peers and other African leaders have not seen or communicated with him for years, even on issues of vital importance to the region and continent. I have had the honor and privilege of working closely with many former African Heads of State full of wisdom and experience who are highly respected across this continent and around the world for facilitating a generational renewal of political leadership in their respective countries. Many of those countries like Benin, Botswana, Cabo Verde, Ghana, Mauritius, Namibia, Senegal and South Africa continue to experience economic growth, prosperity, peace and stability, thanks in large part to this generational renewal of political leadership. One individual cannot have the monopoly of 'wisdom and experience' in a country of 30 million inhabitants, many of whom are highly qualified, experienced and respected across Africa and the world.

You've proposed a "structural, not institutional" framework for opposition unity, led by credible non-political figures. Let's move from theory to practice. Who are the figures with the necessary credibility to broker such a deal? Are you envisioning leaders like specific archbishops, respected traditional rulers, or heads of the Bar Association?

I see that traditional leaders like His Royal Highness Jean-Rameau Sokoudjou of Bamendjou in the West Region are stepping forward, and I hope others emulate his leadership, including Bishops, Pastors, Imams and civic leaders seeking meaningful change through the ballot box. hese leaders must help candidates understand that the population is tired and exhausted by the current regime and state of affairs, and seriously yearns for change, and also understands that none of the opposition candidates alone can win and protect their victory under our current electoral system.

On their part, opposition candidates need to understand that the population is more aware and better informed now than in previous years and will hold them accountable if the desired change doesn't come about because some candidates fumbled or dropped the ball.

The history of Cameroon's opposition is littered with failed coalitions, often due to personal ambition. You mentioned a "new motivation" for 2025. What, precisely, is this motivation, and how is it powerful enough to overcome the egos and rivalries that have scuttled unity in the past?

Opposition candidates and their supporters should be reminded that the best opposition showing in presidential elections in Cameroon was in 1992, when there was a massive rallying behind one candidate - late Ni John Fru Ndi - who symbolized the change people wanted at the time. Going into the October 2025 polls, Paul Biya is no longer the man or candidate he was 33 years ago. He is more vulnerable now than he was back then, and despair and discontent have grown exponentially across the country. The fact that mathematically this election could be won by someone other than Biya should be an extra motivation for the opposition to unite forces and bring about the change of power that the population desperately needs and deserves.

You mentioned a "Basic Governance Agreement (BGA)" as the key to attracting political leaders. What, in your view, are the three non-negotiable points that must be in this agreement to convince rival opposition leaders to sacrifice their personal candidacies for a collective goal?

It is important to present the current 11 opposition candidates with a realistic formula or scenario that also factors in the national interest and the country's future. They need to understand that their own patriotism is on the line and the population and history will judge them by how much they're willing to elevate the national interest for current and future generations. For example, the first three non-negotiable or absolutely binding points in a BGA could be that:

• the agreed-upon candidate serves a transition term during which major constitutional and electoral reforms will be undertaken, and will step down once that term ends;
• that all 11 candidates will join the transition government and, except for the president, could run for elective office again once the reforms have been enacted and new elections scheduled; and
• the priorities of the Basic Governance Agreement or Framework are identified by consensus and adopted by all the candidates who undertake solemnly to popularize them within their constituencies in the two months left before October 12, 2025.

This approach has worked in other African countries as diverse as Senegal, Kenya and even the Democratic Republic of Congo, and there's no excuse for not making the necessary effort and accomplishment for us in Cameroon.

Dr. Fomunyoh, let me ask you the question that many Cameroonians are asking directly: why did you not declare your candidacy for the 2025 presidential election? Why would you choose to remain a facilitator rather than a principal actor?

Perhaps because in my estimation, the political environment or context has been so polluted by over four decades of one person rule that one needs other approaches to 'skin the cat.' For example, you may remember that in 2018, I stated that I couldn't thrust myself into an electoral process over the blood of my brethren while the conflict in the North West and South West regions was at its peak. Today, the killings may have reduced, but the conflict endures and the grievances unresolved. I have also watched, painfully, how some ruling elites and people I thought held dearly to certain values, have thwarted efforts to bring the conflict to an end through all-inclusive negotiations. As I've stated on several occasions before, being a presidential candidate is first a personal decision; and, as my late mom always said, 'if your sixth sense doesn't give you total assurances, think again and await the timing that is yours.' That said, if by adding my weight and voice, I contribute positively to change this time around, then all good as I feel strongly that this is about the fate of 30 million fellow compatriots and not just about me or any other single individual.

You hold a senior and respected position at the National Democratic Institute (NDI). How do you navigate the line between your role as an international advocate for democratic processes and your direct engagement in Cameroon's politics? How do you assure Cameroonians of your impartiality?

Very pertinent question indeed - which also explains why I would have to step down from my NDI responsibilities and drop other international engagements, the day I decide to run for elective office or engage in direct partisan politics at home. However, as long as Cameroon's democratization efforts are stalled as has been the case all these decades, I cannot spend my energy and expertise advocating for other countries except my own. I encourage you and everyone to read NDI's report and recommendations on the 1992 presidential elections, which by the way, are as valid today as they were 33 years ago.

As a veteran analyst of African electoral crises, how do you interpret the candidacies of figures from within the system, like Bello Bouba Maigari and Issa Tchiroma? Are they genuine challengers, strategic "spoilers" to divide the vote, or a sign the regime is testing the waters for an internal, managed succession?

For now, I take them at their word and I believe others do too. Their supporters are openly clamouring for change and I don't think they can politically survive running against that grassroots momentum from fellow compatriots in northern regions of the country. Cameroonians have got two months to fully assess these leaders and then choose wisely.

From your expert vantage point at NDI, what are the three most critical and immediate reforms that the electoral body, ELECAM, must implement to ensure the October election is considered credible, free, and fair by the majority of Cameroonians?

While ELECAM cannot enact new legislation to reform itself, it can through its operations, enhance citizen confidence in the credibility of the electoral process by:

• interfacing more regularly with the media and civil society to increase transparency and accountability in its actions and decisions;
• strengthen its logistical capabilities to be able to deliver voting materials in a timely manner and in sufficient quantity in all polling stations across the country, including in the North West, South West and Extreme North regions; and
• take concrete steps to insure that the collection, transmittal, compilation and announcement of election results are transparent and verifiable by all parties and the electorate as a whole. ELECAM truly needs to raise the bar on itself, especially given lingering perceptions of partisanship in the vetting of candidacies that ended with many petitions before the Constitutional Council as we discussed earlier.

What specific, proactive role must the African Union and the broader international community play before Election Day? Is simple observation enough, or should they be actively mediating to guarantee a level playing field now?

I would urge them to deploy long term observers right now and undertake pre-election assessment missions to engage all stakeholders immediately and make recommendations geared at leveling the playing field and also curbing actions that could exacerbate tensions and loss of faith and confidence in the electoral process. These organizations are signatories to the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation adopted in 2007, they master the methodology; and I hope that, at least for their own credibility, they don't lower the bar on ELECAM and Cameroon.

In the event of an opposition victory, a peaceful transfer of power would be paramount. What does that process look like in your mind? What are the first three phone calls a newly elected transitional leader must make to ensure national stability?

Your question reminds me that African countries such as Ghana and Liberia have legislation in place to regulate Executive Transitions and insure the smooth transfer of leadership after elections. In other countries such as Senegal, Nigeria and Benin, these transfer of power practices have become pretty routine and tension free. As this could be a novelty in our case, my recommendation would be quick phone calls to the losing candidate and the Armed Services chiefs, and then a brief address to the nation to reassure fellow compatriots at home and abroad, and preempt any socio-political jittering.

Looking beyond this election, regardless of the outcome, what is your ultimate vision for Cameroon in the year 2030? Paint a picture for us: what does a thriving, successful, and united Cameroon look like to you?

The 2025 election will be a watershed moment for our country, after which there will be an absolute need to regroup, redesign a collective vision and roadmap for the way forward, so the nation can reconcile itself and be ready to reform and rebuild after these past decades of unwarranted waste and decay. Having gone this low in our national trajectory, the future can only be brighter, especially if the electorate in October is so inspired to give that eventuality a real possibility. With the right, visionary and inclusive leadership, Cameroon can still rise like a phoenix from the ashes of its past and present! That is my hope for our collective future.

Interviewed by Randy Joe Sa'ah